Charles Hall was born in Brighton, Sussex in around November of 1836. He was baptized at the Chapel Royal in Brighton by his
parents Samuel and Louise Hall on the 10th of May 1837 where he was given the Christian names of Charles Edward, this was the
last record of his middle name.
As an 5ft 5in tall, 18 year old he joined the 38th Regiment of Foot (1st Staffordshire) in the district of Westminster, London on
the 3rd of November 1854. After a short medical exam and a trip to the magistrates court to be sworn in, the newest private of
the 38th collects his bounty of 5 pounds and 10 shillings (another 2 shillings and 6 pence is paid to the recruiters) and on the 4th
he signs for a period of 10 years service.
At this time the 38th Regiment was actively engaged in the Crimean War, having been among the first troops to land and having
served in ‘the East’ since the previous April. The following day, the 5th of November marked not only the anniversary of the failed
gunpowder plot, but also the great battle of Inkermann during which the 38th were fortunate enough to take no casualties. With
the Crimean winter beginning to bite and disease taking a large toll of men, the 38th have stepped up recruiting considerably,
Charles Hall is among nearly 200 men recruited in the last quarter of the year.
With the service companies overseas, the depot company have set up at the large camp of Walmer in Kent under the command of
Captain L.H. Daniels. Hall arrives at Walmer to begin his training on the 8th of November, he is allocated the regimental number of
4160 and is to remain there for the next 8 months. The 38th are, in the same way as all the other units at Balaklava, decimated by
the severe Russian winter of 1854 which causes huge problems with malnutrition, frost bite and disease in the British Camp.
Experience had taught the British that throwing fresh men into the fray at this point would serve little purpose as these new men
were normally the first to be invalided back out. As such the 38th Regiment, in line with a lot of infantry units, send only the older,
more experienced soldiers straight to the Crimea. The remainder of the drafts were sent to Malta to form a reserve company, the
Mediterranean island being but a short sea journey from the Crimea.
As such Private Hall is among a group of men who embark under Captain Charles Edward Johns on the 10th of July 1855 and
disembark in Malta on the 6th of August. Captain Johns continues to the Crimea, Lieutenant P.H. Eyre being left in charge of the
Reserve company. The fall of Sebastopol occurs in early September but peace is not forthcoming, so the army is told that it would
need to spend a second winter in the Crimea. Fortunately the army is better housed, fed and clothed over the winter of 1855 and
with no hostilities the casualty rate is kept quite low. The Reserve company at Malta are housed in Fort Ricasoli in December and
move into the huge bastion of Fort St. Elmo in Valetta by March, here Hall falls ill and is in the Hospital for the last 8 days of March.
It can only be wondered if Charles Hall had time to marvel at his surroundings and the huge fort that was built by the Knights of
St. John and that had kept the all conquering Turks at bay in the 16th century.
Eventually peace is declared in the spring (27th April) of 1856 and the evacuation of the Crimea began almost immediately after.
The 38th left Balaklava in late June and arrived at Malta on the 4th of July 1856 where they embark the reserve company, for the
first time in his career Private Hall would have a glimpse of what sort of unit he had joined. Over the next 18 days he would be on
board ship with men who had been involved in some enormous experiences during the previous 2 years and had formed tightly
knit groups, this would have been a difficult period. The 38th Regiment arrived back in England on the 21st of July and
disembarked at Portsmouth, from there they move to Aldershot. The stay at Aldershot was to be short however as the 1st Staffs
are warned off for service in Ireland. On the 12th of August the regiment takes part in the review by Queen Victoria at the Long
Valley, Aldershot and then on the 22nd begins it’s journey to Ireland. Private Hall does not join this move however as he is again
to be with the Depot company that stays at Aldershot.
With the companies in Ireland having gone to the Curragh camp the depot is also ordered to Ireland (Fermoy) in early October. The
depot company embarks at Portsmouth on the 4th of October and disembarks at Cork 4 days later, marching to Fermoy on the
same day. On the 3rd of November a draft from the depot (including Hall) is sent to the service companies at the Curragh where
they arrive on the following day. The next event in the musters is the absence of Hall from his unit on the 15th and 16th of
January 1857 for which he is stopped 2 days pay, no further action being deemed necessary. Charles is absent from the February
1857 muster as he is on guard and is among the majority of the regiment who are ‘on the march’ in the following month as the
38th are helping in election duty on the west Ireland coast.
The late spring of 1857 brings news of the mass mutiny of the sepoys of the Bengal Army, beginning at Meerut on the 10th of
May. Once the size of the problem becomes apparent it is not long until the government commits reinforcements, the 38th are
among those who are first to leave. Charles Hall has again gone absent on the 11th and 12th of April 1857 and spends 16 days in
hospital from April to June, he is fit enough however to join one of the 4 contingents leaving for India. The first contingent boards
at Cork on the 30th of July 1857. Private Hall is not with this group but with one of the companies (including the C.O., Lt. Colonel T.
C. Kelly) that boards the ship ‘United Kingdom’ on the 4th of August at Kingston, Dublin. Another ship, the ‘John Bell’ embarks
the following day. The ‘United Kingdom’ arrives at Calcutta after a journey of just over 3 months on the 8h of November 1857, at
the same time as Sir Colin Campbell’s force was breaking through to the relief of the residency at Lucknow.
The party from the ‘United Kingdom’ are met by the contingent under Major Loftus who had left on the 31st of July and arrived at
Calcutta on the 15th of October. Of the remaining two contingents, the party under Major Farrer who left Ireland on the 1st of July
were disembarked at Masulipatam on the 22nd of October and those on the ‘John Bell’ arrived last on the 16th of November at
Calcutta. Once all the contingents had arrived the regiment assembled at Raneegunj and from there began forced marches up
country. By the end of November 1857 the 38th were shown as ‘on the march’ and in the vicinity of Allahabad, they must have
moved quickly to join the brigade at Cawnpore by the 6th of December as this was 100 miles from Allahabad. A note in the book
by Lang states that 900 men joined on the evening of the 5th, undoubtedly the 38th Foot. At Cawnpore the British army had
been under attack for some days, the women and children having been sent back to Allahabad on the 3rd. Campbell was under
pressure here to deal with the rebels from Gwailor (known as the Gwailor Contingent) that had been in possession of the city of
Cawnpore when Campbell’s force had arrived back from Lucknow. Unfortunately for Campbell the force he had left at Cawnpore
under Windham had been mauled on the outskirts of the city on the 25th of November and had been forced to concede the city
itself. With reinforcements having just arrived, Campbell wasted no time and attacked the Gwailor Contingent at Cawnpore on the
next day, the 6th of November 1857.
The work by Colonel G.B. Malleson gives the following description of the battle..
As soon as Sir Colin Campbell had mastered the extent of Windham's disaster he re-crossed the Ganges to Mangalwar, then
pushing forward with his convoy of women and children, well covered by his troops, baffled an attempt of the rebels to destroy the
bridge of boats, and re-entered Cawnpore. His convoy he encamped, on November 30, on the further side of the canal, near the
mouldering remains and riddled walls of the position Wheeler had held so long, and then turned to look at the position occupied by
It was a strong one. Numbering 25,000 men, of whom rather less than one-half were trained sipahis, they rested their centre on
the town, separated from the British force by the Ganges canal, and interspersed with bungalows, high walls, and cover of various
kinds. Their right stretched out behind the canal into the plain, and was covered in front by lime-kilns and mounds of brick. Over
the canal they had thrown a bridge, but the extreme right flank was uncovered. Their left rested on the Ganges. They were very
resolute, and very confident,
Before attacking them Sir Colin spent two days in making preparations for the despatch of his large convoy of women and children,
of sick and wounded, to Allahabad. He sent them off on the night of the 3rd, then, waiting until they had placed some miles
between themselves and Cawnpore he carefully examined the rebels' position, and concluded that, strong as it was on the left and
in the centre, it might be possible to turn the right and roll them up. He had with him, inclusive of recently arrived troops, about
5000 infantry, 600 cavalry, and thirty-five guns. The infantry of this force he divided into four brigades. The third, commanded by
Greathed, counted the 8th, the 64th, and the 2nd Punjab Infantry. The fourth, under Adrian Hope, contained the 53rd, the 42nd,
the 93rd, and the 4th Punjab Rifles. The fifth, under Inglis, counted the 23d, the 32d, and the 82d. The sixth, led by Walpole, was
formed of the 2nd and 3rd Battalions Rifle Brigade, and a part of the 38th. The cavalry, commanded by Little, consisted of the 9th
Lancers, and details of the 1st, 2nd, and 5th Punjab Cavalry and Hodson's Horse. The artillery counted Peel's Naval brigade, the
troops of Blunt and Remmington, the batteries of Bourchier, of Middleton, of Smith, of Longden, and of Bridge, under the chief
command of Dupuis. To Windham was consigned the charge of the intrenchment.
With this force Sir Colin attacked the rebels on the morning of the 6th of December. After an artillery fire, which lasted two hours,
he directed Greathed to make a false attack on the centre whilst Walpole, Hope, and Inglis should turn the right. Walpole
thereupon crossed the canal, and attracted the fire of the rebels, whilst Adrian Hope, supported by Inglis, took a long sweep to the
left, and then, wheeling round, charged the unprotected flanks of the rebels' right. In this movement the 4th Punjab Rifles and the
93rd covered themselves with glory. They drove the rebels from mound to mound despite a resistance resolute and often fierce. At
length they reached the bridge which the rebels had thrown over the canal. This the enemy had well cared for. Upon it they had
concentrated so strong an artillery fire that it seemed almost impossible to force the way across. But the gallant men, who had
pushed the rebels before them up to that point, were not to be daunted by appearances. They rushed at the bridge with a stern
determination to carry it. The rebels seemed equally resolved to prevent them. For a moment the struggle seemed doubtful, when
a rumbling sound was heard, and William Peel and his sailors, dragging a heavy twenty-four-pounder, came up with a run, planted
the gun on the bridge, and opened fire. The effect was decisive. Whilst it roused the assailants to the highest enthusiasm, it
completely cowed the rebels. With loud shouts Highlanders, Sikhs, and 53rd men rushed past the gun, dashed at the rebels, and
drove them before them in wild disorder. The Gwailor camp was now almost within their grasp. But before they could reach it the
gallant Bourchier, always in the front, passed them at a gallop, and, unlimbering, opened fire. A few minutes later the assailants
repasscd the guns, and the Gwailor camp was their own.
The victory was now gained. The Gwaliar portion of the rebel force made, in wild flight, for the Kalpi road. In that direction they
were pursued by Sir Colin in person to the fourteenth milestone. They had lost their camp, their stores, their magazines, a great
part of their material, and their prestige.
Lang had been with the men under Brigadier Hope (including the 38th Regiment) and described the aftermath of the battle:-
We came on his camp (where we are now encamped) full of cattle horses, tents, gharis*, and rum (which was at once broached
and spilt). Here the 93rd and 53rd were led away to the right, and took another camp of Pandy's** at the Subadar's Tank. But the
most of us, and Cavalry and Horse Artillery, pursued up the Kalpi road. All along the road we took gharis, cattle and guns. Before
we returned, at sunset, Pandy retook a gun, and, with it and two more, opened on our troops here, on which the 38th charged
and took the three guns. We took 16 guns (one 18-pounder, eight 9-pounders, two 24-pounder howitzers, three 8-inch mortars
and two 5.5 inch mortars). We returned here and bivouacked foodless and tentless.
* Ghari – a type of cart
** Pandy – Nickname of the mutineers, after Mangal Pande who defied the British at Barrackpore
The 38th had suffered no casualties during this battle. Over the next two weeks the 38th were assembled into the brigade under
Walpole and on the 18th of December it leaves Cawnpore with the intent of finding and attacking any enemy force. When the 38th
leave they are missing a large amount of men who are in prison having been court-martialed (no doubt for celebrating too heartily
the re-capture of the city) and a group of men who are too sick to march. By the 20th the column had reached Akbarpur where
the 38th were again mentioned by Lang:-
20 December, Akbarpur Here I am again on the march, again 'knocking about' the country. No more halting idly at Cawnpore, but
tramping along the road, with the rumble of guns and the playing of bands, and no end of dust, of pitching and unpitching of
tents, and wondering where the enemy is, and how many guns he has here or there, and seeing the country — all that makes up
active campaigning. I still say 'a soldier's life is the life for me', and I am very jolly.
I sent off a letter to you on the 17th via Calcutta (of course, no road up country), and that evening, still lazy and stiff after cricket,
I got orders to be ready at 9 a.m. next morning to join Brigadier Walpole's column, a column dispatched into the Doab, to restore
confidence and our rule, punish and hang and settle and do whatever our Brigadier has orders to do.
1 will introduce you to our little column. First on the march you will meet the fine blue-coated Afghan and Sikh troopers of the 1st
Punjab Cavalry; next you will mark the sheen of the lances of three squadrons (not 300 men tho') of the gallant H.M.'s 9th Light
Dragoons. Then will come rumbling along the five guns of Blunt's Troop of Horse Artillery, followed by the six heavier ones of
Bourchier's Light Field Battery. Then you will be very pleased to observe two intelligent-looking officers of Engineers (Scratchley R.
E. and Lang B.E.) followed by 25 Royal and 25 Bengal Sappers. Then you will hear the bugling (French fashion) of the dark column
of the 2nd Battalion of the Rifle Brigade (my ink gets blacker as I think of them!). Then see the red tunics and red facings of that
smart corps the 38th - and again a dark column, the 3rd Battalion of the Rifle Brigade. As to going further down the line and
getting into the dust and jumble of the carts, elephants and camels of the baggage, why, I don't see any use in it, do you?
That column, which with fancy's eye you have just looked at, is quite good enough to polish off any enemy it will meet, and is game
to go to Agra or Mainpuri or wherever it may be ordered.
The end of 1857 was seen by the column under Walpole at Etawah, they had been marching through the villages on route, hanging
or shooting all they caught who were armed. From Etwah the column moved on to Fatehgarh where Sir Colin Campbell had
intended to bring his forces together in preperation for the move on Lucknow. From Fathegarh part of the regiment was used to
bring the women and children who had been at Agra safely down country. The 38th formed part of the force under Hope Grant
that assisted in the storming of Meangunge on the 23rd of February, by the end of the month they were only a few miles from
Lucknow at Dilkoosha. The musters put Charles Hall sick in hospital at Nawabgunge at this time. We can only assume that Hall
joined his regiment in the following weeks before the assault on the city. The medical report on Hall many years later stated that he
had suffered from Malaria, this may be the cause of his sickness at that time.
The 38th suffer some casualties in a small engagement in the vicinity of the Alum Bagh on the 2nd of March 1858 and then are
formed into Hope Grant’s brigade at Dilkoosha to await the assault, the description of which is given below (from Malleson).
Sir Colin had waited the three days, the 6th, 7th, and 8th, whilst Outram was making his preparations ; but, on the 9th, he too
advanced, carried the Martiniere, and moved Adrian Hope's brigade from the vicinity of Banks's house to a point whence, some six
hundred yards from the river, it could communicate, as thanks to the gallantry of Butler it did communicate, with Outram on the
opposite bank. Sir Colin completed the operation the next day by storming Banks's house. The two army corps were then in
During the night of the 10th Outram erected batteries to cover his projected movement of the following day; then, when that day
dawned, he carried all the positions leading to the iron bridge—the bridge leading to the Residency—and established batteries close
to it. In this operation he lost two most gallant officers, Thynne of the Rifle Brigade, and Moorsom of the Quartermaster-General's
department. He continued to carry out the operations entrusted to him on the l2th, l3th, l4th, and 15th. He established himself,
that is to say, in a position which enabled him, during those days, to rake and attack, by artillery fire in flank and rear, the
positions which Sir Colin was assailing in front. It is impossible to overestimate the value of the assistance which Outram thus
rendered to the main attack. Meanwhile, Sir Colin, having stormed Banks's house on the l0th, occupied without opposition the
Sikandara-bagh on the 11th, and, owing to the happy audacity of three engineer officers, Medley, Lang, and Carnegy, took
possession, also without fighting, of the Kadam Rasul, and of that Shah Najaf which had almost foiled him during his advance in
November. But the Begum Kothi promised to offer a fierce resistance. It belched forth fire and flame, and it was so strong as to
seem capable of repelling a direct attack. Lugard, however, who commanded the force in front of it, resolved to attempt one. The
troops he employed were those companions in glory, the 93d Highlanders and the 4th Punjab Rifles, led by that model of a soldier
the chivalrous Adrian Hope. The assault, made at four o'clock in the afternoon, though opposed with a fury and discipline almost
equal to that of the assailants, was successful. But, to use the language of Sir Colin, 'it was the sternest struggle which occurred
during the siege.' Six hundred corpses testified to the unerring force of the British and Sikh bayonet.
The capture of the Begum Kothi gave to the Chief Engineer, Brigadier Napier, the opportunity of pushing his approaches, by means
of sappers and of heavy guns, through the enclosures, to the mess-house, the little Imambarah and to the Kaisarbagh. The 12th,
then, was chiefly an engineers' day. Some changes, however, were made in the disposition of the troops; Franks's division relieved
that of Lugard as the leading division, and the Nepalese troops were brought into line. They were placed on the extreme left, so as
to hold the line of the canal beyond Banks's house. The 13th was, likewise, an engineers' day. On that day the Nepalese were
moved across the canal against the suburb to the left of Banks's house, so as to attract the attention of the rebels to that
quarter. By the evening the engineers' work was completed. All the great buildings to the left, up to the little Imambarah, had been
sapped through, and by nine o'clock the next morning the heavy guns had effected a breach in its walls. Franks was then directed
to storm it. He carried out the operation with brilliant success.
The storm of the little Imambarah had whetted the martial instincts of the men. Following up the rebels as they evacuated it, they
forced their way into a palace which commanded three of the bastions of the Kaisarbagh. Thence they brought to bear on the
rebels below them so heavy a fire that one by one they deserted their guns. Their flight left the second line of defence virtually at
the mercy of the British. It was turned. A daring advance alone was necessary to gain it. The rebels, recognising this, had no
thought but to save themselves. They ran then for security into the buildings between the little Imambarah and the Kaisar-bagh.
But the 90th and Brasyer's Sikhs, who were in the front line of stormers, had equally recognised the advantages of their position.
Led by young Havelock and Brasyer, they forced their way, cheering, under a terrible fire, into a courtyard adjoining the Kaisarbigh,
driving the rebels before them. At this conjuncture young Havelock, seeing with a soldier's eye the extent of the possibilities
before him, ran back to the detachment of the l0th in support and ordered it to the front. Annesley, who commanded it, led it
forward with alacrity, nor did his men halt till, driving the rebels before them, they had penetrated to the Chim bazaar, to the rear
of the Tara. Kothi and the mess-house, thus turning the rebels' third line. The rebels, congregated in the Tara Kothi and mess-
house, numbering about 6000, realising their position, evacuated those buildings, and made as though they would re-enter the
city through an opening in the further gateway of the Chmi bazaar, and thus cut off the Sikhs and the 90th. But Havelock, with
great presence of mind, advanced with some Sikhs to the support of Brasyer, and seizing two adjoining bastions, turned the six
guns found upon them with so much effect against the rebels that their attempt was checked, and they abandoned it By this time
the fourth note sent by young Havelock had reached Franks, and that gallant officer pushed forward every available man in support
of the advance. The results already achieved far surpassed in importance those which had been contemplated for the day, and the
question arose whether the advantage should be pursued. After a brief consultation Franks and Napier decided in favour of
pushing on. Some necessary rearrangement of troops followed. Then, whilst those on the right advanced and occupied in
succession, with but little resistance, the Moti Mahall, the Chatar Manzil, and the Tara Kothi, Franks sent his men through the court
of Saadat Ali's Mosque into the Kaisarbagh itself. The resistance there was fierce, but of short duration. The stormers were wound
to a pitch which made them irresistible. They stormed, one after another, the courts and the summer-houses which made up the
interior of the palace, and drove the rebels headlong into the garden. There those who failed to escape—and they were the
majority— soon found the rest from which there is no awakening.
I will not attempt to describe the plundering which followed the capture of this newest of the palaces of the Kings of Oudh. Rather
would I dwell on the great military result thereby obtained. In the morning of that I4th of March the British line had stretched from
the Shah Najaf to Hazratganj. That evening it ran from the Chatar Manzil to the Residency side of the Kaisarbagh. Two strong
defensive lines of works, including the Citadel, on which the second line rested, defended by nearly 40,000 men, had been stormed.
All honour to the men who planned and carried out so magnificent a work: to Havelock and Brasyer, to Franks and Napier, to
Annesley, to the men of the l0th and 90th, and to the Sikhs. All honour, also, to those who gave their lives in the noble enterprise.
The rebels would have been completely destroyed, and the whole of Lucknow would have lain, helpless, the next morning at the
feet of Sir Colin Campbell if, whilst Franks and Napier were storming the Kaisarbagh, Outram had crossed by the iron bridge and
cut off those who escaped from the several places as they were stormed. That this did not happen was no fault of Outram. He
recognised the advantage to be gained, and applied during the day for permission to execute such a manoeuvre. The reply was the
most extraordinary ever received by a general in the field. It consisted of a short note from Mansfield, chief of the staff, telling him
he might cross by the iron bridge, but that 'he was not to do so if he thought he would lose a single man.' Such a proviso was a
prohibition, for not only were guns posted to defend the bridge, but the bridge was commanded by a mosque and several
loopholed houses. The loss, then, would have greatly exceeded that of one man. That the proviso was dictated by a very
shortsighted policy can be realised by the slightest reflection. The ultimate pursuit of the rebels who escaped because Outram did
not cross caused an infinitely greater loss of men to the British army than the storming of the bridge and the taking of the rebels
in rear would have occasioned. On the right bank of the Gumti Sir Colin devoted the 15th to the consolidating of the position he
had gained. On the left bank, sensible, too late, of the error he had allowed to be committed by the despatch to Outram of the
absurd order on which I have commented, he despatched Hope Grant, with his cavalry, and Campbell, with his infantry brigade and
1500 cavalry, to pursue the rebels on the Sitapur and Sandila roads respectively. But the rebels had taken neither of these roads;
the pursuit, therefore, was fruitless. It was not till the l6th that Sir Colin directed Outram to cross the Gumti, near the
Sikandarabagh, and to join him, with Douglas' brigade, at the Kaisarbagh, leaving Walpole, with Horsford's brigade, to watch the
iron and stone bridges. Outram crossed as directed, was joined by the 20th and Brasyer's Sikhs, and was then ordered by Sir
Colin in person to push on through the Residency, take the iron bridge in reverse, and then, advancing a mile further, storm the
Machchi Bhawan and the great Imambarah. Outram carried both places without much opposition ; but before he had accomplished
his task the rebels, with the design of retreating on Faizabad, had made a strong attack on Walpole's pickets. They had been
unable to force these—probably they never seriously intended to do so—but they held them in check whilst the bulk of their
comrades made good their retreat on to the Faizabad road. I need not point out how impossible retreat by that road would have
been had Sir Colin permitted Outram to cross on the l4th.
The rebels attempted the same day another diversion, by suddenly attacking the Alambagh, but Franklyn, who commanded,
Vincent Eyre, with his heavy guns, Robertson, with the military train, and Olpherts completely foiled them. Whilst the operations I
have described had been carried out in the advance, Jang Bahadur and the Nepalese had on the l4th and 15th, moved up the canal
and taken in reverse the positions which, for three months, the rebels had occupied in front of the Alambagh. Jang Bahadur
performed this task with ability and success. One after another the positions held by the rebels, from the Charbagh up to the
Residency, on that side, fell into his hands.
On the 17th Outram, pursuing his onward course, occupied without resistance the Huseni Mosque and the Daulat Khana. In the
afternoon he caused to be occupied a block of buildings known as Sharif-ud-daula's house. The rebels evacuated it hastily, but an
accidental explosion, caused by the careless unpacking of gunpowder found there, caused the deaths of two officers and some
thirty men. On the 18th he proceeded to clear the streets in front of the position he had secured, when he received Sir Colin's
orders to drive the rebels from the Musabagh. Whilst he should march against that place, Campbell of the Bays was to take 1500
cavalry, and a due proportion of guns, and be ready to pounce upon the rebels as Outram should drive them from the Musabagh.
The Nepalese were likewise so placed as to cut off their retreat in the other direction.
Outram, as usual, did his part thoroughly. He captured Alf Naki's house and the Musabagh. The rebels fled from the last-named
place by the road which Campbell should have guarded. But Campbell was not to be seen. He had engaged a part of his force in a
small operation which had given Hagart, Slade, Bankes, and Wilkin, all of the 7th Hussars, an opportunity of displaying courage of
no ordinary character, followed though their splendid deed was by the severely wounding of the second and the death of the third;
but as to the main object of his mission he did nothing. It was officially stated he had lost his way. The rebels, consequently,
Not all, however. Outram was there to repair to a certain extent Campbell's error. Noticing that the rebels were preparing to
escape from the Musabagh, he had despatched to cut them off the 9th Lancers, followed by some infantry and field-artillery.
These killed about 100 of them, and captured all their guns.
This was the concluding act of the storming of Lucknow.
During the storming of Lucknow the 38th took casualties of 1 killed (Drummer Thomas Grey), 7 Died of Wounds (Sgt. Major
Patrick McFadden, Sgt. Joseph Bell and Privates William Allingham, William Bird, Henry Boyce, Edward Harrod & John Mangan). They
also had 18 men wounded including the C.O. (Lt. Colonel T.C. Kelly, wounded on the 15th of March) over the period of the 12th to
the 15th of March. The majority of these casualties were sustained on the 14th when the 38th distinguished themselves in the
storming of the Kaiserbagh at the front of the residency.
Private Hall was back in hospital at Lucknow at the end of March and remained there during April whilst the remainder of his
regiment were sent in pursuit of the rebels under Brigadier Hope Grant. The pacification of the Oude continued for some months,
the only other engagement of note happening at Nuggar (6th May 1858) where the 38th lost 13 men from sunstroke in a single
day but none in the battle. With the 38th having returned to garrison Lucknow, Hall is detached under Captain H.P. Vance in July,
on guard in August and back in hospital in September and October 1858. The 38th remain at Lucknow until early January 1859
when they march to Rae Bareilly to take up garrison duty there.
The next year at Rae Bareilly is quiet, Hall is shown as being on guard during the April 1859 muster and in hospital in May. There
are then no incidents until the 4th of November 1859 when Private Hall becomes liable for his first good conduct and long service
badge and associated pay rise after 5 years of relatively trouble free service. Having managed 5 years of good behavior it is
unfortunate that just 6 weeks later on Christmas eve of 1859 he has the badge and penny a day taken away due to an
undisclosed indiscretion. Hall is back in hospital over the March 1860 muster and remains there all the way through to some time in
September, a six month period without pay. Private Hall manages to get out of hospital in September but is back there for October
and November, at least this long period has allowed him to ‘keep his nose clean’ and he regains his good conduct badge and pay
allowance on Christmas Day of 1860.
On the last muster of 1860 Private Hall is shown as being on rifle drill, he then doesn’t join the regiment in it’s move from Rae
Bareilly to Dinapore which occurred a few weeks later. A detachment of men including Hall and under the command of Captain
Gaynor remains at Rae Bareilly the following month and then marches to Burhampore where they arrive in March 1861. The
detachment at Berhampore is not to be short termed, Lieutenant Colonel Gloster is there with the single company in March of 1862
and this company (shown in the musters as No.3 company) remains away from the H.Q. until April of 1863. During the period of
his detachment Private Hall receives a second good conduct badge and payment on Christmas day 1862 and is promoted to
Corporal on the 11th of February 1863 vice 4228 James Radcliffe (promoted to Sergeant).
Corporal Hall joins the remainder of the 38th Regiment at Dinapore in April of 1863 and is shown as being in hospital in April and
May as well as July and September 1863. Hall appears on a regimental board at Dinapore on the 10th of November 1863 which is
presided over by Lt. Colonel Gloster, with Captains Thackwell (later a Brigadier in the Egypt 1882 campaign) and Crohan as
members. The board takes evidence from the medical report of the regimental surgeon (conducted the previous day) who stated
that Hall was suffering from Chronic Ophthalmia with a deep seated disease in his right eye and impaired vision in his left eye.
Because of his medical problems it is decided that Corporal Hall should be discharged as medically unfit. Charles Hall leaves
Dinapore in the following weeks and has arrived at Calcutta by the end of November. The journey down country has not been
uneventful however as Hall is arrested on the 24th of November. He remains in custody until the 27th when he is then reduced to
Private by sentence of Court Martial, losing a penny of good conduct pay from the 24th.
The small group of invalids and time-expired men board the ship ‘Nile’ at Calcutta on the 12th of December 1863 under command
of 631 Sergeant John Edwards and this is the last entry of Hall in the musters of the 38th Regiment.
The final discharge of No. 4160 Private Charles Hall happens at the Netley Hospital on the 3rd of May 1864, at which point he had
served 9 years and 179 days. He is described as aged 27 years and 7 months, 5 feet 5 and a half inches tall, fresh complexion,
blue eyes, light brown hair and a labourer by trade. Hall states his intended place of residence to be Brighton. Hall is given a
pension of 7 pence a day for 30 months which is then made permanent from the 27th of November 1866. The next 30 years are
then a mystery, what is known however is that Hall applies to reside in the Chelsea Hospital as an in-pensioner from the 28th of
December 1897 and is admitted on the 1st of January 1898. The Chelsea Admission register states his disability as chronic
opthalmia in both eyes, his conduct as good and his address as 52 Glengall Rd., Old Kent Rd., S.E. London. At the time of his
admission he was incapable of working and must have been in poor health in his advanced age of 61. Charles Hall is not to survive
for much longer as an in-pensioner, he dies at the Chelsea Hospital on the 11th of April 1900 aged 63.
Musters & Paylists: WO 12/ 5218-5227 (38th Foot, 1854-64)
Chelsea Hospital discharge papers: WO 97/ 1510 (Number 57880)
Chelsea Hospital in-pensioner admission book: WO 23/ 174 (Number K15612)
History of the South Staffordshire Regiment (1705-1923), James P. Jones, Wolverhampton
Lahore to Lucknow, The Indian Mutiny Journal of Arthur Moffatt Lang, Edited by David Blomfield (Leo Cooper, London, 1992)
The Indian Mutiny of 1857, Colonel G.B. Malleson C.B., 4th Edition, London, 1892
Church of LDS IGI (on-line search engine)
|Charles Hall - 38th Foot – 1855-64